The Real Reasons Why Trump Has Flipped On His Campaign Promises

By Brandon Smith

Back in December of 2016 I wrote an article titled “Trump Is Exactly Where The Elites Want Him”, which I think was very difficult for a large part of the liberty movement to read and accept. In that article I outlined the future of the Trump presidency; a future dominated by Washington insiders, Goldman Sachs internationalists and Neo-Con warmongers. Trump, at the very onset of his administration, broke one of his most important campaign promises — to “drain the swamp.” Instead, he filled his cabinet with all of the same swamp creatures he originally attacked; the same swamp creatures Hillary Clinton was notorious for serving.

I also warned in numerous articles that because of this initial broken promise, conservatives should not expect that Trump would fulfill most if any of his original plans. In the BEST CASE SCENARIO scenario, Trump is surrounded by enemies dictating policy from every corner and corridor of the White House.

This article, of course, triggered quite a bit of wrath from hardcore Trump supporters. And, of course, time has so far proven I was right yet again.

The only argument at this point in defense of Trump is that it is still very early in his first year and that no president should be expected to accomplish much in just a few months. Okay, I’ll entertain that notion, but let’s be realistic here and look at the current circumstances.

As I write this, Congress is on the brink of forging a spending bill which essentially removes ALL backing for Trump’s original projects, including the southern border wall. Now, given, the bill only provides funding for government until the end of September, but we have witnessed very little resistance from the Trump administration so far. Are we about to see the Republicans roll over yet again in the name of avoiding a government shutdown? I would say yes, for now.

This is one area where Trump could light a firestorm. By forcing a government shutdown, a real fight for conservative national projects and spending cuts could take place. Yet, we are still struggling with the broken monstrosity of Obamacare, we have yet to see any plan for defunding Planned Parenthood, the border wall looks to be a distant dream and military spending is slated to increase by $54 billion. At this point Trump supporters are left wondering where their limited government pit bull negotiator disappeared to?

While Trump recently indicated that a shutdown in September may be a good thing for the U.S., I’m just not buying it.

On the foreign front, Trump has been backing off of his threats against NAFTA. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal, Trump explained his decision by saying that he is “a nationalist and a globalist.” Yikes.

Trump has now also refused to label China a currency manipulator, which was an action many originally thought he would pursue. This decision, in my view, is likely in preparation for a strike on North Korea; a war no one asked for and which America cannot possibly afford at this time. China’s move to step back from its protective stance with North Korea supports my longstanding argument that Eastern nations are completely tied to globalist geopolitics; meaning, they do what they are told. If China remains hands-off, a conflict with North Korea is nearly a certainty.

This kind of saber rattling would be contrary to Trump’s position on Iraq during his campaign, which was, to summarize his many remarks, a quagmire, a mess of a war that made little sense and gained America nothing. If Iraq was a mess, then what will North Korea be with its far better armed military and more ideologically dedicated soldiers? A war in North Korea would take twice as much time and capital to complete, but maybe that is the point…

So, the question is, why has Trump flipped so completely and so quickly on is political positions since November of last year? I believe there are at least two identifiable reasons.

First, it is important to note that Trump was placed in office as a means to scapegoat all conservatives and the principles of sovereignty and limited government for the disasters that will inevitably follow. This is the premise that I used to successfully predict Trump’s election win, and it is the premise that I used to successfully predict Trump’s behavior and policy shifts up to this point. Trump is in office for one reason — to destroy the name of conservatism for all time.

That said, Trump’s support from many conservatives has not been as blind and faithful as the globalists might have hoped. We remain rather critical, and thankfully, ever watchful. We are not a zombie mob that can be easily exploited by some fearless leader on a white horse; unlike Obama’s sycophantic army of liberal followers, we still retain our principles.

This does not necessarily save us from being scapegoated by internationalist propaganda in the years to come. I have heard many argue that Trump’s sudden flip-flop negates the idea that Trump is a conservative scapegoat because “he is not acting like a conservative.” These people are oblivious to human psychology.

The fact is, Trump ran on a conservative nationalist platform, and his rhetoric continues to fuel his nationalist image, even if his actions do not. The globalists will paint him as a conservative and the majority of people around the world will continue to accept this narrative because rhetoric is often more powerful in people’s minds than tangible results. Liberals in particular will never let go of the idea that Trump is a conservative because they desperately long for vindication that conservative principles are “evil.” Every mistake Trump makes, though not conservative at all in nature, will be blamed on conservatism and nationalism as a whole. From what I have seen so far, the only people that are rationally critical of Trump as a conservative are actual liberty minded conservatives.

Yes, we despise the crazed cultural Marxists of the social justice cult, and we are rightly concerned about the liberal population’s shift towards full-bore communism. Plus, we do not like Islamic extremism and won’t tolerate it within our borders. But we also are not too keen on the idea of being puppets for a fake conservative government, either.

This is one reason I believe Trump has suddenly flipped; the globalist scheme to co-opt the liberty movement and constitutional conservatives has failed. It is a scheme I warned about months before the election in my article “Clinton vs. Trump And The Co-Option Of The Liberty Movement”. At this time, there is no point in Trump continuing to play his role as a stalwart of sovereignty. We have not been won over in a way that makes us easy to manipulate, which means we might not support certain globalist initiatives like martial law in the wake of a crisis, a national federalized ID card in the name of immigration control, regime changes in Syria or North Korea, etc. We may even organize in opposition to such measures.

This leads to the next reason why I believe Trump has so swiftly reversed his positions: Perhaps he and his establishment handlers no longer need to maintain the conservative sovereignty facade because a full-spectrum crisis is about to take place; a crisis so consuming that the public will be completely distracted while the elites push their agenda forward and blame conservatives at the same time.

The move against North Korea may be part of this event. By itself, North Korea would be a very cumbersome regional war that could bankrupt the U.S. (officially bankrupt as opposed to technically bankrupt). The level of determination to increase tensions with North Korea is truly astounding. I have not seen such senseless rhetoric from the White House since the Iraq War. Obama was a war-crazed lunatic, but with Trump and North Korea, there doesn’t even seem to be much of an attempt at an explanation as to why a war is suddenly necessary. It just seems to be scheduled to happen.

However, I continue to believe that a greater crisis is brewing that is economic and global in nature. With numerous financial bubbles artificially inflated over at least eight years of central bank stimulus, the question is not “if” but WHEN the system will enter the final stages of its ongoing collapse.

The behavior of the Trump administration may be nothing more than poor timing or poor planning on the part of the globalist establishment. Perhaps they just didn’t play this part of the long game in an expert manner. But, I tend towards caution rather than naive hope and unicorns.

The record-setting flip-flop by Trump should not be taken lightly or simply treated as aimless schizophrenia on the part of the White House.  While the Obama administration flipped on numerous campaign promises, they did so subtly while maintaining their lies in a strategic way for two full terms. This is not what is happening today. Trump’s dramatic change, in my view, should be taken as a signal that a much greater game is afoot, with far higher stakes. It should also be treated as a sign that if a crisis is on the verge of being engineered, then it will be happening rather soon, perhaps before 2017 is over.

There will be ongoing arguments as to whether the Trump White House has been hijacked or if it was a controlled element all along. I lean more towards the position that it was controlled all along. I have seen little to no resistance on the part of Trump against the establishment, only rhetoric. And, as I have said so many times, rhetoric is meaningless, only actions matter.

It is exceedingly positive in a way that Trump’s reversal has been so fast and so complete. It shows that conservatives and liberty champions have not been subsumed into the so-called “alt-right” (a made-up term designed to pigeonhole and demonize all true conservatives); that the elites miserably bungled their plans to co-opt us. That said, for every success there are consequences. It may be that our refusal to “buy into” the Trump momentum and cast off our skepticism has caused the establishment to adjust their timetable. And, when the elites do not get what they want, they tend to fall back on their tried and true tool kit of violence and disaster.


You can read more from Brandon Smith at his site Alt-Market.com.


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Trump’s Broken Promises

By Ann Coulter,
American Renaissance, May 3, 2017

THE WALL THAT’S NOT BEING BUILT

“We’re not winning. We’re losing, and we’re losing
on the central promise of Trump’s campaign.
— Ann Coulter

We’re not sick of winning, we’re sick of losing.

If this is the budget deal we get when Republicans control the House, the Senate and the presidency, there’s no point in ever voting for a Republican again.

Not only is there no funding for a wall, but — thanks to the deft negotiating skills of House Speaker Paul Ryan — the bill actually prohibits money from being spent on a wall.

At a CYA press conference on Tuesday, Trump’s ridiculously chipper budget director, Mick Mulvaney, described the bill’s prohibition on building a wall as a MAJOR win. (At least Mulvaney said it in English, unlike his all-Spanish 2014 townhall.)

True, there will be no wall. But the Democrats graciously agreed to allow the administration to fix broken parts of any existing fences on up to 40 miles of our 3,000 mile border.

The other big wins, according to Mulvaney, are:

1) more defense spending, which is fantastic news, because I was worried Boeing and Lockheed Martin CEOs were falling behind Mark Zuckerberg with their gluttonous salaries; and

2) school choice, an obsession of Washington wonks that is hated out in America, where parents move to high-tax towns for the express purpose of avoiding schools full of disaffected urban youth, and the disaffected urban youth don’t want to spend two hours on a bus every day.

But Mulvaney assures us that this monstrosity of a spending bill has set things up beautifully for the next budget negotiation in October.

That has become the GOP’s official motto: “Next time!”

We can never win this time. Instead, Republicans’ idea is always to surrender this time, in hopes that their gentlemanliness will be rewarded by their mortal enemies next time. Then, next time comes, and Republicans again surrender in hopes of currying favor with the Democrats and the media for the next time.

Mulvaney’s most disturbing comment was to say that what upset Trump the most was the Democrats’ “spiking the football” on this deal.

Apparently, Trump’s fine with no wall — and everything else in a bill straight out of George Soros’ dream journal — if only the Democrats hadn’t been so rude as to tell the public about it. When your main complaint is that the other side is gloating too much, maybe you’re not that great a negotiator.

Yeah, sure, it’s only 100 days in, it’s an artificial deadline, the media is dying to say Trump has failed and so on.

Except: Planning for the wall should have begun on Nov. 9, and a spade should have been put into the earth to begin building it the day after Trump’s inauguration. Now, it’s 100 days later, and we still don’t have the whisper of a prospect of a wall.

Moreover, this isn’t one random bill funding Planned Parenthood (which this bill does). This is the budget deal. There won’t be another one like it until next October.

That’s a spectacular failure. Democrats have got to be pinching themselves, thinking, Am I dreaming this?

It’s theoretically possible that Trump could still build a wall, but he’s just massively lengthened the odds of ever prevailing. Sure, you can let the other team build a 20-point lead in first half and still come back to beat them, but it’s a lot easier if you don’t go into halftime 20 points down.

Trump entered the presidency with the only kind of power that matters. He didn’t owe Wall Street a thing. He didn’t owe anyone — not donors, lobbyists nor any political party. What he had was the people, passionately on his side.

But as soon as he got into office, Trump started giving away his miraculous, unprecedented power. Hey, Wall Street! Even though you didn’t give me any money, is it too late to be your friend?

No amount of abandoning his supporters will get Trump anywhere with Wall Street, Hollywood or the media. Their ferocity will simply shift to ridicule.

Admittedly, Trump has the enormous handicap of having to work through congressional Republicans, who are feckless cowards. If Speaker Ryan and Senate Leader Mitch McConnell had been around for Reagan’s firing of the air traffic controllers, they would have been hysterically screaming, No! You can’t do that — the planes will crash!

This isn’t new information. We knew Washington Republicans were useless. That’s why we elected such a comically improbable president as Donald J. Trump.

The deal was that we were getting the Hollywood version of a New York businessman: an uncouth, incurious rube — who would be ruthless in getting whatever he wanted.

In addition to being the only candidate for president in either party taking America’s side on trade, immigration, jobs and crime, what set Trump apart was his promise that we would finally win.

Remember? There would be so much winning, we were going to get “sick and tired of winning,” and beg him, “Please, please, we can’t win anymore. … It’s too much. It’s not fair to everybody else.”

“We’re not winning. We’re losing, and we’re losing on the central promise of Trump’s campaign.”

How would Trump, the businessman, react if an underling charged with developing a new golf course could never break ground?

What if the subordinate’s progress reports sounded like this: I have given 21 speeches to various chambers of commerce and neighborhood groups, assuring them that there’s going to be a golf course. Everywhere I go, I say, “Don’t worry about it. It’s going to be built!” I have started a commission to study developing a golf course. I have put up a sign saying, “Golf course coming!” And I have caved, and caved, and caved — so now our opponents know what good guys we are.

Trump would fire that employee so fast your head would spin.

We want the ruthless businessman we were promised.

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The Case Against The Jews — By a Jew

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“You have not begun to appreciate the real depth of our guilt. We are intruders. We are disturbers. We are subverters. We have taken your natural world, your ideals, your destiny, and played havoc with them. We have been at the bottom not merely of the latest great war but of nearly all your wars, not only of the Russian but of every other major revolution in your history. We have brought discord and confusion and frustration into your personal and public life. We are still doing it. No one can tell how long we shall go on doing it.”
— Marcus Eli Ravage, 1928

The following 2500-word article, originally entitled A Real Case Against the Jews, was written by an American Jew, Marcus Eli Ravage. It was published first in The Century Magazine, January 1928, Volume 115, Number 3, pages 346-350. For more details about this controversial article and its author, see here.

OF COURSE, you do resent us. It is no good telling me you don’t. So let us not waste any time on denials and alibis. You know you do, and I know it, and we understand each other. To be sure, some of your best friends are Jews, and all that. I have heard that before once or twice, I think. And I know, too, that you do not include me personally—“me” being any particular individual Jew—when you fling out at us in your wholesale fashion, because I am, well, so different, don’t you know, almost as good as one of yourselves.

That little exemption does not, somehow, move me to gratitude; but never mind that now. It is the aggressive, climbing, pushing, materialistic sort you dislike—those, in a word, who remind you so much of your own up-and-coming brethren. We understand each other perfectly. I don’t hold it against you.

Bless my soul, I do not blame anybody for disliking anybody. The thing that intrigues me about this anti-Jewish business, as you play at it, is your total lack of grit. You are so indirect and roundabout with it, you make such transparent excuses, you seem to be suffering from self-consciousness so horribly, that if the performance were not grotesque, it would be irritating.

It is not as if you were amateurs: you have been at it for over fifteen centuries. Yet watching you and hearing your childish pretexts, one might get the impression that you did not know yourselves what it is all about. You resent us, but you cannot clearly say why. You think up a new excuse—a “reason” is what you call it—every other day. You have been piling up justifications for yourselves these many hundreds of years and each new invention is more laughable than the last and each new excuse contradicts and annihilates the last.

Not so many years ago I used to hear that we were money-grubbers and commercial materialists; now the complaint is being whispered around that no art and no profession is safe against Jewish invasion.  We are, if you are to be believed, at once clannish and exclusive and unassimilable because we won’t intermarry with you, and we are also climbers and pushers and a menace to your racial integrity.  Our standard of living is so low that we create your slums and sweated industries, and so high that we crowd you out of your best residential sections.  We shirk our patriotic duty in wartime because we are pacifists by nature and tradition, and we are the arch-plotters of universal wars and the chief beneficiaries of those wars (See “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion”).

We are at once the founders and leading adherents of capitalism and the chief perpetrators of the rebellion against capitalism.  Surely, history has nothing like us for versatility!  And, oh! I almost forgot the reason of reasons. We are the stiff-necked people who never accepted Christianity, and we are the criminal people who crucified its founder.  But I can tell you, you are self-deceivers. You lack either the self-knowledge or the mettle to face the facts squarely and own up to the truth. You resent the Jew not because, as some of you seem to think, he crucified Jesus but because he gave him birth. Your real quarrel with us is not that we have rejected Christianity but that we have imposed it upon you!

Your loose, contradictory charges against us are not a patch on the blackness of our proved historic offense. You accuse us of stirring up revolution in Moscow. Suppose we admit the charge. What of it? Compared with what Paul the Jew of Tarsus accomplished in Rome, the Russian upheaval is a mere street brawl.  You make much noise and fury about the undue Jewish influence in your theaters and movie palaces. Very good; granted your complaint is well-founded. But what is that compared to our staggering influence in your churches, your schools, your laws and your governments, and the very thoughts you think every day?  A clumsy Russian forges a set of papers and publishes them in a book called “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” which shows that we plotted to bring on the late World War. You believe that book.

All right. For the sake of argument we will underwrite every word of it. It is genuine and authentic. But what is that beside the unquestionable historical conspiracy which we have carried out, which we have never denied because you never had the courage to charge us with it, and of which the full record is extant for anybody to read?  If you really are serious when you talk of Jewish plots, may I not direct your attention to one worth talking about?

What use is it wasting words on the alleged control of your public opinion by Jewish financiers, newspaper owners and movie magnates, when you might as well justly accuse us of the proved control of your whole civilization by the Jewish Gospels?  You have not begun to appreciate the real depth of our guilt.

We are intruders. We are disturbers. We are subverters. We have taken your natural world, your ideals, your destiny, and played havoc with them. We have been at the bottom not merely of the latest great war but of nearly all your wars, not only of the Russian but of every other major revolution in your history. We have brought discord and confusion and frustration into your personal and public life. We are still doing it. No one can tell how long we shall go on doing it.

§

Look back a little and see what has happened. Nineteen hundred years ago you were an innocent, care-free, pagan race. You worshiped countless gods and goddesses, the spirits of the air, of the running streams and of the woodland. You took unblushing pride in the glory of your naked bodies. You carved images of your gods and of the tantalizing human figure. You delighted in the combats of the field, the arena and the battle-ground. War and slavery were fixed institutions in your systems. Disporting yourselves on the hillsides and in the valleys of the great outdoors, you took to speculating on the wonder and mystery of life and laid the foundations of natural science and philosophy. Yours was a noble, sensual culture, unirked by the prickings of a social conscience or by any sentimental questionings about human equality.

Who knows what great and glorious destiny might have been yours if we had left you alone?

But we did not leave you alone. We took you in hand and pulled down the beautiful and generous structure you had reared, and changed the whole course of your history.

We conquered you as no empire of yours ever subjugated Africa or Asia. And we did it all without armies, without bullets, without blood or turmoil, without force of any kind. We did it solely by the irresistible might of our spirit, with ideas, with propaganda.  We made you the willing and unconscious bearers of our mission to the whole world, to the barbarous races of the earth, to the countless unborn generations.

Without fully understanding what we were doing to you, you became the agents at large of our racial tradition, carrying our gospel to the unexplored ends of the earth.  Our tribal customs have become the core of your moral code. Our tribal laws have furnished the basic groundwork of all your august constitutions and legal systems. Our legends and our folk tales are the sacred lore which you croon to your infants. Our poets have filled your hymnals and your prayer books. Our national history has become an indispensable part of your pastors and priests and scholars. Our kings, our statesmen, our prophets, our warriors are your heroes.

Our ancient little country is your Holy Land. Our national literature is your Holy Bible.

What our people thought and taught has become inextricably woven into your very speech and tradition, until no one among you can be called educated who is not familiar with our racial heritage.  Jewish artisans and Jewish fishermen are your teachers and your saints, with countless statues carved in their image and innumerable cathedrals raised to their memories.

A Jewish maiden is your ideal of womanhood. A Jewish rebel-prophet is the central figure in your religious worship.

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JESUS CHRIST AND HIS MOTHER MARY
AT THE FOOT OF THE CROSS

Pietà of Rogier van der Weyden, c. 1440

We have pulled down your idols, cast aside your racial inheritance, and substituted for them our God and our traditions. No conquest in history can even remotely compare with this clean sweep of our conquest over you.  How did we do it? Almost by accident.

Two thousand years ago nearly, in far-off Palestine, our religion had fallen into decay and materialism. Money-changers were in possession of the temple. Degenerate, selfish priests mulcted our people and grew fat. Then a young patriot-idealist arose and went about the land calling for a revival of faith. He had no thought of setting up a new church. Like all the prophets before him, his only aim was to purify and revitalize the old creed. He attacked the priests and drove the money-changers from the temple. This brought him into conflict with the established order and its supporting pillars. The Roman authorities, who were in occupation of the country, fearing his revolutionary agitation as a political effort to oust them, arrested him, tried him and condemned him to death by crucifixion, a common form of execution at that time.

The followers of Jesus of Nazareth, mainly slaves and poor workmen, in their bereavement and disappointment, turned away from the world and formed themselves into a brotherhood of pacifist non-resisters, sharing the memory of their crucified leader and living together communistically.

They were merely a new sect in Judea, without power or consequence, neither the first nor the last.  Only after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans did the new creed come into prominence. Then a patriotic Jew named Paul or Saul conceived the idea of humbling the Roman power by destroying the morale or its soldiery with the doctrines of love and non-resistance preached by the little sect of Jewish Christians. He became the Apostle to the Gentiles, he who hitherto had been one of the most active persecutors of the band. And so well did Paul do his work that within four centuries the great empire which had subjugated Palestine along with half of the world, was a heap of ruins. And the law which went forth from Zion became the official religion of Rome.

This was the beginning of our dominance in your world. But it was only a beginning.

§

From this time forth your history is little more than a struggle for mastery between your own old pagan spirit and our Jewish spirit. Half your wars, great and little, are religious wars, fought over the interpretation of one thing or another in our teachings.

You no sooner broke free from your primitive religious simplicity and attempted the practice of the pagan Roman learning than Luther armed with our gospels arose to down you and enthrone our heritage. Take the three principal revolutions in modern times—the French, the American and the Russian. What are they but the triumph of the Jewish idea of social, political and economic justice?  And the end is still a long way off. We still dominate you. At this very moment your churches are torn asunder by a civil war between Fundamentalists and Modernists, that is to say between those who cling to our teachings and traditions literally and those who are striving by slow steps to dispossess us.

We have put a clog upon your progress. We have imposed upon you an alien book and an alien faith which you cannot swallow or digest, which is at cross-purposes with your native spirit, which keeps you everlastingly ill-at-ease, and which you lack the spirit either to reject or to accept in full.

In full, of course, you never have accepted our Christian teachings. In your hearts you still are pagans.

You still love war and graven images and strife. You still take pride in the glory of the nude human figure. Your social conscience, in spite of all democracy and all your social revolutions, is still a pitifully imperfect thing. We have merely divided your soul, confused your impulses, paralyzed your desires.

In the midst of battle you are obliged to kneel down to him who commanded you to turn the other cheek, who said “Resist not evil” and “Blessed are the peacemakers.”

In your lust for gain you are suddenly disturbed by a memory from your Sunday-school days about taking no thought for the morrow.

In your industrial struggles, when you would smash a strike without compunction, you are suddenly reminded that the poor are blessed and that men are brothers in the Fatherhood of the Lord.

And as you are about to yield to temptation, your Jewish training puts a deterrent hand on your shoulder and dashes the brimming cup from your lips.

You Christians have never become Christianized. To that extent we have failed with you. But we have forever spoiled the fun of paganism for you!

So why should you not resent us?

If we were in your place, we should probably dislike you more cordially than you do us. But we should make no bones about telling you why. We would get straight to the point. We would contemplate this confused, ineffectual muddle we call civilization, this half-Christian half-pagan medley, and—were our places reversed—we would say to you point-blank:

“For this mess, thank you! And to your prophets and to your Bible!”


The above article, entitled “A Real Case Against the Jews“,  was written by an American Jew, Marcus Eli Ravage. It was published first in The Century Magazine, January 1928, Volume 115, Number 3, pages 346-350. For more details about the controversial article and its author, see here
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Thoughts

  1. This is vindicating Nietzsche. Brilliant, concise analysis of how slave morality took over the modern world.

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