Hitler, Zionists, And Ken Livingstone

April 13, 2017 1

The U.K. Labour Party’s decision not to expel veteran leftist activist and former London mayor Ken Livingstone has been met with completely predictable hatred and venom from the Jewish lobby in that country—even though everything he said about Hitler, Nazis, and Zionism is perfectly true.

Last week, Livingstone escaped expulsion from the Labour Party and instead had another year added to his current suspension as punishment for daring to point out that Hitler and the Nazi government actively aided in the Zionist colonization of Palestine.

The Israeli Haaretz newspaper reported that “British Jews [are] Livid After Ken Livingstone Receives Slap on the Wrist for Saying Hitler Was Zionist.

According to that paper, Jonathan Arkush, president of the Board of Deputies, “Anglo-Jewry’s umbrella body,” said that “Relations between the Labour Party and the Jewish community have reached an all-time low … all we can conclude form this hopelessly wrong decision is that the party has an enduring problem with anti-Semitism to which it is unwilling to face up.”

Separately, the Guardian newspaper also reported that “1,000 Jewish Labour supporters” had signed a petition urgent Levingston’s expulsion after his comments.

The letter, signed by influential party members including Luciana Berger MP, former deputy mayor of London Nicky Gavron, and chair of the Jewish Labour Movement, Jeremy Newmark, described Livingstone’s comments as a “betrayal.”

The truth about Nazi-Zionist cooperation is clear, no matter how the Jewish lobby tries to spin it.

Hitler did support Zionism. He personally approved the “Transfer Agreement” with the World Zionist movement to expedite the transfer of Jews from Germany to Palestine—and Himmler’s SS also enthusiastically supported the Zionist project.

As detailed in the best-selling work The Six Million: Fact or Fiction, by holocaust researcher Peter Winter, the Nazi-Zionist cooperation began very early in the Nazi era.

The first indication of an affiliation between the Nazi government and the Zionist movement came with the 1935 Nuremberg Laws of Race, Winter points out.

“The reason for the Zionist-Nazi cooperation was simple: the Nazis wanted the Jews to leave Germany, and the Zionists wanted the Jews to come to Palestine to help create the Zionist state,” he writes, going on to show that the 1935 Nuremberg Laws, “which are now dismissed as Nazi anti-Semitic laws, were in fact drawn up with the active assistance and support of the [Zionist-supporting] German Council of Jews.”

“Thus it is no surprise that soon after the Nazis came to power, the Zionist Federation of Germany submitted a document to Hitler’s office which offered its support in “solving the Jewish question” (Memo of June 21, 1933, as reproduced in The Third Reich and the Palestine Question, Francis R. Nicosia, Austin: University of Texas, 1985, p. 42).

The document continued:

Zionism believes that the rebirth of the national life of a people, which is now occurring in Germany through the emphasis on its Christian and national character, must also come about in the Jewish national group. Our acknowledgment of Jewish nationality provides for a clear and sincere relationship to the German people and its national and racial realities. Precisely because we do not wish to falsify these fundamentals, because we, too, are against mixed marriage and are for maintaining the purity of the Jewish group and reject any trespasses in the cultural domain, we—having been brought up in the German language and German culture—can show an interest in the works and values of German culture with admiration and internal sympathy. (Memo of June 21, 1933, as reproduced in The Third Reich and the Palestine Question, Francis R. Nicosia, Austin: University of Texas, 1985, p. 42).

When the Nuremberg Laws were first adopted by the Nazi Party at its congress of 1935, they were specifically welcomed by the Zionist-supporting Jewish German newspaper, the Jüdische Rundschau, which published an editorial which read:

Germany … is meeting the demands of the World Zionist Congress when it declares the Jews now living in Germany to be a national minority. Once the Jews have been stamped a national minority it is again possible to establish normal relations between the German nation and Jewry.

The new laws give the Jewish minority in Germany its own cultural life, its own national life. In future it will be able to shape its own schools, its own theater, and its own sports associations. In short, it can create its own future in all aspects of national life.

Germany has given the Jewish minority the opportunity to live for itself, and is offering state protection for this separate life of the Jewish minority: Jewry’s process of growth into a nation will thereby be encouraged and a contribution will be made to the establishment of more tolerable relations between the two nations” (Jüdische Rundschau, Sept. 17, 1935).

The Jüdische Rundschau, Sept. 17, 1935, the official Zionist newspaper in Germany, which welcomed and supported the Nuremberg Laws. This support for the legal definition of who is a Jew—as created by Nazis and Jews working together—is still referenced to the present-day in Israel’s “Law of Return” which regulates Jewish immigration into that state.

It was not only in racial theory that the Nazi-Zionist cooperation was evident, Winter continues.

“The SS—supposedly the epitome of evil, if postwar propaganda is to be taken at face value—was particularly enthusiastic in its support for Zionism. A June 1934 internal SS position paper urged active and wide-ranging support for Zionism by the government and the Party as the best way to encourage emigration of Germany’s Jews to Palestine,” he writes.

The Zionist-SS cooperation became public when SS officer Leopold von Mildenstein and German Jewish Zionist Federation official, Kurt Tuchler, toured Palestine together for six months in order to assess the progress of the Jewish colonization efforts.

Von Mildenstein wrote a series of twelve illustrated articles for Der Angriff, which appeared in late 1934 under the heading “A Nazi Travels to Palestine.”

The articles expressed great admiration for the pioneering spirit and achievements of the Jewish settlers.

“A Jewish homeland in Palestine,” von Mildenstein wrote, “pointed the way to curing a centuries-long wound on the body of the world: the Jewish question.”

Ein Nazi Fahrt Nach Palastina—“A Nazi Travels to Palestine.” A selection of articles from the Joseph Goebbels-edited newspaper, Der Angriff, as penned by SS officer Leopold von Mildenstein.

Der Angriff even issued a special medal, with a Swastika on one side and a Star of David on the other, to commemorate the joint SS-Zionist visit.

A few months after the articles appeared, von Mildenstein was promoted to head the Jewish affairs department of the SS security service in order to support Zionist migration.

The medallion ordered struck by the Joseph Goebbels-edited newspaper, Der Angriff, to mark the Zionist-Nazi cooperation with regard to Palestine. The medallion contained the title of the article which appeared in his newspaper, “A Nazi Travels to Palestine,” encircling a Star of David.

Finally, Winter points out that the “centerpiece of Nazi-Zionist cooperation was something called the ‘Transfer Agreement,’” which, he writes, was a pact that enabled tens of thousands of German Jews to migrate to Palestine with their wealth.

The Agreement, also known as the Haavara (Hebrew for “transfer”), was concluded in August 1933 following talks between German officials and Chaim Arlosoroff, Political Secretary of the Jewish Agency, the Palestine center of the World Zionist Organization.

All of this is detailed in the book by Jewish author Edwin Black, titled The Transfer Agreement: The Dramatic Story of the Pact between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine.

Through this arrangement, Winter continued, each Jew bound for Palestine deposited money in a special account in Germany.

The money was used to purchase German-made agricultural tools, building materials, pumps, fertilizer, and so forth, which were exported to Palestine and sold there by the Jewish-owned Haavara company in Tel-Aviv.

Money from the sales was given to the Jewish emigrant upon his arrival in Palestine in an amount corresponding to his deposit in Germany.

German goods poured into Palestine through the Haavara, which was supplemented a short time later with a barter agreement by which Palestine oranges were exchanged for German timber, automobiles, agricultural machinery, and other goods.

“The Agreement thus served the Zionist aim of bringing Jewish settlers and development capital to Palestine, while simultaneously serving the German goal of freeing the country of an unwanted alien group,” Winter says.

A Nazi-Zionist Haavara certificate issued in Hebrew and in English.

Hitler personally reviewed the policy in July and September 1937, and again in January 1938, and each time decided to maintain the Haavara arrangement. The goal of removing Jews from Germany, he concluded, justified the drawbacks, which included alienating the Arab world.

The Reich Economics Ministry helped to organize another transfer company, the International Trade and Investment Agency, or Intria, through which Jews in foreign countries could help German Jews immigrate to Palestine. Almost $900,000 was eventually channeled through the Intria to German Jews in Palestine.

The facts are clear. Ken Livingstone was merely speaking the truth: Hitler and the Zionist movement officially cooperated on a large number of levels to encourage the colonization of Palestine.

But, telling the truth about anything related to Hitler is a “crime” in the Jewish lobby’s eyes.

Livingstone, who ironically has been a lifelong supporter of the radical leftist causes espoused by the UK’s Jewish lobby, has yet to learn that there is one rule for Jews, and another for non-Jews.

SEE ALSO: “Zionists Offered to Fight for Nazis”

Recommended reading: The Six Million: Fact or Fiction, by Peter Winter.

This work has become the world’s most popular study of the holocaust, analyzing as it does all the major allegations, camps, mass-murder claims, “eyewitness” and survivor testimonies, trials, and confessions.

Included in the amazing revelations in this book are:

– How Zionists and Nazis cooperated before the war on writing Germany’s racial laws—and in the setting up of Jewish settlements in Palestine;

– How Zionists offered to take up arms for Nazi Germany against Britain during World War II;

-How Nazi policy was first aimed at encouraging Jews to emigrate, and then after the war broke out, to evacuating them east of the Urals.

Dresden Bombing Anniversary Reignites Debate: Who Started The Bombing Of Civilians In WWII?

The recent 71st anniversary of the bombing of Dresden has highlighted the deliberately-obscured fact that the British, and not the Germans, started the mass bombing of civilians in World War II, and that this remains one of the great unpunished war crimes of the Twentieth Century.

A funeral pyre in Dresden, February 1945.
The British establishment in particular likes to perpetuate the “Blitz” story every year around September, as another way of claiming victimhood status—when in fact the German bombing of London only took place after months of incessant attacks by the Royal Air Force (RAF) on German cities had passed without retaliation.
As part of a general post-World War II propaganda campaign to paint the Germans in as bad a light as possible, the controlled media has always claimed that the Germans started the bombing of civilians, using the two examples of the Luftwaffe attack on Warsaw, Poland, in September 1939 and the May 14, 1940 bombing of Rotterdam, the Netherlands.
The propaganda story goes along the lines that the Germans bombed these cities and thereby set the example of the mass bombing of civilians—and then followed this up with the “blitz” on London.
Only after all this, it is claimed, did the Germans “get back” what they had dished out.
This myth has been stated over and over so many times by the controlled media that it has become the “popular” understanding of the course of the war.
The reality, like so much else about World War II, is completely the opposite.
In 1944, public discontent in Britain over the RAF’s civilian bombing policy had reached record heights, and to counteract this dissent, the former British Principal Secretary of the Air Ministry, J.M. Spaight, published a book titled Bombing Vindicated, which set out to justify the saturation bombing of German civilians.
Spaight was honest in his book about the origins of the civilian bombing, and openly admitted that the Warsaw and Rotterdam bombings could not be compared to the RAF’s tactics, saying: “When Warsaw and Rotterdam were bombed, German armies were at their gates. The air bombardment was an operation of the tactical offensive.”
In other words, the bombing of Warsaw took place as part of a set tactical battle. The German army had laid siege to the city on September 16, 1939, and the Polish bravely—and fiercely—resisted until September 27, turning the city into an effective fortress which the Germans battled to subdue.
The Luftwaffe attack was therefore, part of the established rules of conflict and not a saturation bombing of civilians.
The Rotterdam bombing was an identical scenario: German paratroopers had in fact been defeated in their May 10, 1940 attempt to seize the city of The Hague—a victory by a brave Dutch army which has also passed unnoticed, ignored by the Anglo-Saxon mass media—and it was up to German ground forces to press home the invasion.
Dutch resistance elsewhere was also far stronger than the Germans had anticipated, and an attempt by the German army to seize the 20 mile (32 kilometer)-long Afsluitdijk in the north of Holland was also defeated in a two-day long battle from May 12–14, 1940. The fierce Dutch resistance was beginning to hold up the entire German plan.
By May 13, the German army had reached Rotterdam, but once again Dutch military resistance halted the advance.
The Dutch defenders, under the able command of Colonel Pieter Scharroo, held the north bank of the Nieuwe Maas River, which runs through the city and completely blocked German forces from passing through.
On the Morning of May 14, Hitler issued his “Directive Number 11: Concerning the Dutch theater of operations” in which he ordered the following:
“The resistance capability of the Dutch army has proved to be stronger than expected. Political as well as military reasons demand that this resistance is broken as soon as possible. It is the task of the army to capture the Fortress Holland by committing enough forces from the south, combined with an attack on the east front. In addition to that the air force must, while weakening the forces that up till now have supported the 6th Army, facilitate the rapid fall of the Fortress Holland.”
In response to this order, the German forces in Rotterdam prepared a combined assault for May 14, using Panzer tanks, combat engineers, and paratroopers to make an amphibious crossing of the Nieuwe Maas river upstream and then try and take the city through Kralingen, about one mile from the city center. As part of these ground attacks, the Luftwaffe was called in to provide a precision strike on the Dutch forces.
At the same time, negotiations were opened between the besieging German forces and the Dutch defenders for the surrender of the city.
As part of the talks, the German commander called off the air attack, but a critical delay in passing messages ensured that only 40 of the 100 attacking aircraft received the abort message—and as a result, the city was bombed by 60 German Heinkel He 111 bombers.
As tragic as the bombing of Rotterdam and Warsaw was—indeed, as tragic as the entire war was—the reality remains that both strikes were in direct support of attacking ground troops, and were not strikes against civilians for the purpose of spreading terror without any military objective.
It was in fact the British RAF, under the direct orders of Winston Churchill, which started the saturation bombing of civilians—on May 10, 1940, the day the new Prime Minister took office. On that day, British bombers attacked the German city of Freiburg-im-Breisgau in southwestern Germany, killing fifty-seven people.
From May 10, 1940 onwards, British bombers bombed German civilian targets almost every night.
Even then, Hitler ordered the Luftwaffe not to respond in kind, and only to bomb military targets in Britain, such as airfields and ports, in preparation for a planned invasion of the United Kingdom.
On August 25, 1940, a German raid on an oil refinery on the banks of Thames River in east London took place as part of this tactical assault. Some of the bombs landed next to the refinery, in London’s East End, causing no casualities—but in response to this bombing, described by the post-war Official History of the Defence of the United Kingdom as “unintentional”—the first mass raid on Berlin by British bombers took place six days later.
After that, regular British raids on Berlin’s non-military targets took place—and escalated throughout the war.
Despite these attacks on Berlin, Hitler still refused to retaliate. But this situation could not last, and after nearly four months, the Luftwaffe was finally ordered to strike back.
In a speech in the Berlin Sportspalast on September 4, 1940, Hitler announced the German retaliation this way:
“Whereas German aviators and German planes fly over English soil daily, there is hardly a single Englishman who comes across the North Sea in daytime. They therefore come during the night, and as you know, release their bombs indiscriminately and without any plan on to residential areas, farmhouses and villages. Wherever they see a sign of light, a bomb is dropped on it.
For three months past, I have not ordered any answer to be given; thinking that they would stop this nonsensical behavior.
“Mr. Churchill has taken this to be a sign of our weakness.
“You will understand that we shall now give a reply, night for night, and with increasing force. We will put a stop to the game of these night-pirates, as God is our witness.”
As J.M. Spaight detailed in his book, it was the British who were to “realise the full potential” of saturation civilian bombing, and that the British bombers were designed to bomb cities, he said, while the “Teutonic mind” never even considered such a policy, and instead viewed an air force merely as a tool to “blast open” a path for attacking armies.
Spaight also wrote that Hitler’s hope that “Churchill would stop this nonsense” was “stupid” and furthermore the “blitz” on London which followed was actually minor by comparison to what had already been thrown at German cities by the RAF, and to what occurred in 1943 and 1944 (the bombing of Hamburg, Cologne, and Munich—where, Spaight boasted, the fires could be seen 150 miles away).
Furthermore, Spaight said, the German air force was never used for anything else until ordered to retaliate against the British campaign. As Spaight put it:
“Whatever Hitler wanted or did not want, he most assuredly did not want the mutual bombing to go on. He had not wanted it ever to begin. He wanted it, having begun, to be called off. There was ample evidence that he did not want the latter kind of bombing to become the practice. He had done his best to have it banned by international agreement.”
It was therefore British policy which ultimately led to the destruction of Dresden in February 1945. The city had no military targets at all, and did not even possess a single anti-aircraft gun.
The city was filled with refugees—and even Allied prisoners of war (the most famous being the author Kurt Vonnegut, whose book Slaughterhouse-Five was based on his recollection of the bombing).
Some 700,000 incendiary bombs were dropped on Dresden, one bomb for every two inhabitants. Temperatures above ground reached up to 1,600 degrees Celsius, or 2912 degrees Fahrenheit. Unknown thousands of people—estimates vary up to 135,000 or more—were killed in the resulting firestorm, and the entire city was laid waste.
The controlled media is equally reticent over the role of Churchill and the RAF in the bombing of Dresden, and are always seeking reasons to excuse this war crime.
The reality is that Churchill and the RAF bomber command under Sir Arthur Harris knew very well what was going to happen and also that there was no military justification for the attack.
The truth about Churchill’s role in the destruction of Dresden was revealed in a memo held by the RAF’s Air Historical Branch, which quotes the British Prime Minister as only being interesting in how many civilian refugees he could “fry” with the attack:
“I do not want to receive any suggestions how we can destroy militarily important targets in Dresden’s hinterland, I want to get suggestions how we can fry 600,000 refugees from Breslau in Dresden.”—Winston Churchill, as quoted in a Minute by A.P.S. of S.—Air Chief Marshal Sir Wilfrid Freeman—Jan. 26, 1945 in Air Historical Branch file CMS 608.
* An exact replica of Bombing Vindicated is available in the US on Amazon.com, in Britain on Amazon.co.uk, and in Europe on Amazon.de.

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