2:19 WWI : Sinking of the Lusitania : False Flag
The Lusitania, Woodrow Wilson, and the Deceptions that Dragged America into World War I
This is a long article. But World War I – which was the first global war, and claimed as many as 65 million lives – has nearly been forgotten about. This article contains many suppressed facts, and I hope you come away from it with a better understanding of how the present connects to the past.
As discussions crop up of a Third World War possibly arising from tensions in the Middle East or Ukraine, it is apt to examine the First World War, whose 100th anniversary falls this year. America’s entanglement in that war, like so many others, was engineered through a false flag.
In 1915, Britain was at war with Germany. The United States was still neutral. On May 7, the Lusitania, a British ocean liner en route from America to England, was sunk by a German submarine some 12 miles off Ireland’s southern coast. There were 764 survivors, but nearly 1,200 people, including 128 Americans, lost their lives. The Lusitania – which had been the world’s largest ship when launched in 1906 – went down in just 18 minutes after a single torpedo hit. Survivors reported there had been two explosions – a smaller one followed moments later by an enormous one. This was affirmed by the log of the U-20, the submarine which sank her.
The tragedy was portrayed to the public as the wanton slaughter of women and children. It became the subject of a relentless propaganda campaign, including a fabricated claim that German children were given a holiday from school to celebrate the sinking. The Lusitania was the most important in a series of pretexts used to generate the eventual U.S. declaration of war on Germany.
Understanding Germany’s U-boat Policies
After the war began in 1914, Britain immediately began a naval blockade of Germany, intercepting merchant ships and strewing the North Sea with mines. Since the British classified even foodstuffs as “contraband,” the Germans had to ration food. By all estimates, several hundred thousand people ultimately died of starvation due to the blockade.
Germany’s decision to blockade Britain was retaliatory. Since the British possessed naval superiority, Germany’s only means of blockade was through its U-boat force. Although the U.S. media characterized sub warfare as barbaric, British mines were just as lethal as German torpedoes. Furthermore, while the Germans normally only targeted ships of belligerent nations (sparing neutrals), the British blockade was indiscriminate, barring neutral as well as belligerent ships.
In the war’s early stages, U-boats observed the “Cruiser Rules” that had been established under international law (e.g., at the Hague Conventions). Before sinking a merchant vessel, they would surface, and allow the ship’s crew to evacuate in lifeboats.
This changed, however, thanks to new rules unilaterally instituted by the British Admiralty, then headed by Winston Churchill. The British began arming their merchant ships. As Colin Simpson notes in The Lusitania:
From October 1914 onward a steady stream of inflammatory orders were issued to the masters of British merchant ships. It was made an offense to obey a U-boat’s orders to halt. Instead masters must immediately engage the enemy, either with their armament if they possessed it, or by ramming if they did not. Any master who surrendered his ship was to be prosecuted, and several were.1
One British merchantman was paid a bounty of $3,300 for ramming a submarine. Thus both a carrot and stick goaded merchantmen to engage subs.
The Germans faced an inescapable dilemma. As warships, subs were fragile. One shot from even a low-caliber cannon could sink a U-boat. By the time of the Lusitania incident, merchantmen had sunk several. Walter Schweiger, commander of the sub that sank the Lusitania, had already narrowly escaped an attempted ramming. Although U-boat captains continued to exercise discretion, they were usually unwilling to surface and risk destruction by observing the Cruiser Rules which Britain herself had abandoned.
Above: Schweiger; Churchill as head of Admiralty
Why Churchill Broke the Rules
Prior to the Lusitania’s sinking, Winston Churchill wrote to Walter Runciman, President of the Board of Trade, that it is “most important to attract neutral shipping to our shores, in the hope especially of embroiling the United States with Germany.”2In his postwar book The World Crisis, Churchill wrote: “The maneuver which brings an ally into the field is as serviceable as that which wins a great battle.”3
The first British counter-move, made on my responsibility in 1915 was to arm British merchantmen to the greatest possible extent with guns of sufficient power to deter the U-boat from surface attack. . . . As the U-boats were forced by the progressive arming of the British Mercantile Marine to rely increasingly on under-water attacks, they encountered a new set of dangers. The submerged U-boat with its defective vision ran the greatest risk of mistaking neutral for British vessels and of drowning neutral crews, and thus of embroiling Germany with other great Powers.4
To Churchill’s disappointment, however, U-boat captains scrupulously avoided attacking American ships. The next best thing, therefore, was to have a British ship sunk with American passengers on board. Churchill had Commander Joseph Kenworthy, of the Political Section of Naval Intelligence, submit a report on what the political results would be of such a sinking. The Lusitania became the fulfillment of Churchill’s objectives. This false flag involved coordination on both sides of the Atlantic. The political background requires us to digress from the Lusitania momentarily.
The Bankers’ Handmaiden
Woodrow Wilson had been elected President in 1912. Given that the former Princeton professor had only one year of political experience (as governor of New Jersey), this was a miracle that only the American “Establishment” (less politely called Illuminati) could have pulled off. Among Wilson’s top financial angels were munitions manufacturer Cleveland Dodge (National City Bank/Rockefellers) and banker Jacob Schiff (Kuhn, Loeb Bank/Rothschilds).
“Wall Street” Republicans had ruled the White House for 16 years, but with a vociferous reform movement growing within the party, under the auspices of men like Senator Robert La Follette and Congressman Charles Lindbergh, Sr., the bankers were content to let the Republican Party cool off and put their trust in Wilson. With J. P. Morgan’s backing, former Republican President Teddy Roosevelt was trotted out as the candidate of the short-lived “Bull Moose” Party. His candidacy split Republican votes between himself and incumbent President William Howard Taft. This allowed Wilson, the Democratic Party candidate, to win the election with only 42 percent of the popular vote. Since Roosevelt spoke loudly (though with tongue in cheek) about “reform,” he also helped derail La Follette’s attempt to secure the Republican nomination.
According to Curtis Dall (President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s son-in-law), Wilson pledged to banker Bernard Baruch to do four things if elected President:
- lend an ear to advice on who should occupy his cabinet;
- support creation of a central bank (i.e., the Federal Reserve);
- support creation of the income tax;
- lend an ear to advice should war erupt in Europe.5
How swiftly Wilson fulfilled these pledges! These were still the days, of course, before the Council on Foreign Relations – chief recruiting ground for Presidential cabinets over the last century – existed. Wilson’s cabinet was said to have been handpicked by “Colonel” Edward Mandell House, CFR founder. He was a Wall Street front man who lived in the White House, wielding such influence that Harper’s Weekly called him “Assistant President House.” (His role paralleled that of Harry Hopkins, who later lived in the White House during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Presidency, acting as the liaison to Bernard Baruch.)
Above: Wilson & House; Bernard Baruch
1913 – Wilson’s first year in office – saw establishment of both the Federal Reserve and income tax (the latter was ratified the month before his inauguration). The Federal Reserve gave the bankers the authority to set interest rates (and thus toggle the stock market at will) and to create money from nothing, which would flow into their multinational banks and corporations. Colonel House’s official biographer, Charles Seymour (Skull & Bones), called House the “unseen guardian angel” of the Federal Reserve Act.6
Income tax (which the banksters had no intention of substantially paying themselves) gave them a lien on Americans’ earning power, to pay for (among other things) the interest the bankers would collect on loans to the government. Both the original central bank legislation, as well as the income tax amendment, were introduced in Congress by Senator Nelson Aldrich, whose daughter married John D. Rockefeller, Jr.; he was the maternal grandfather of CFR chairman David Rockefeller.
Once the Federal Reserve and income tax were in place, only one thing was still needed: a significant reason for America to borrow. In June 1914, six months after the Federal Reserve Act passed, Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated, triggering the start of World War I. America participated; as a result, our national debt grew from a manageable $1 billion to $25 billion.
The war would not only yield billions in profits for the Illuminati, but would, with the League of Nations, incipiently fulfill their dream of a world government. But how to entangle America in the war? Here the interests of the British and American Establishments coincided in the Lusitania’s sinking.
A False Flag Foreknown
Our ambassador to England under Wilson was the militantly pro-British Walter Hines Page. During his tenure, he received a private annual stipend of $25,000 (well over a half-million in today’s dollars) from munitions magnate Cleveland Dodge, so that he could live in “proper ambassadorial style.”7 (In realpolitik, this is normally called a “bribe.”)
On May 2, 1915 – five days before the Lusitania was sunk – Page wrote to his son: “If a British liner full of American passengers be blown up, what will Uncle Sam do? That’s what’s going to happen.”8
Edward Mandell House was in England at this time as Wilson’s emissary. On the morning of the fateful 7th, House met with Edward Grey (left), Britain’s foreign minister. House recorded: “We spoke of the probability of an ocean liner being sunk, and I told him if this were done, a flame of indignation would sweep across America, which would in itself probably carry us into the war.”9 Later that day, House and Grey met with King George V at Buckingham Palace. House wrote: “We fell to talking, strangely enough, of the probability of Germany sinking a trans-Atlantic liner. . . . He [the king] said, ‘Suppose they should sink the Lusitania, with American passengers on board?’”10 (These quotes appear in Houses’s official biography, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House.)
These remarks betrayed foreknowledge that cannot be dismissed as coincidences chanced upon in casual conversation.
That evening, a splendid dinner was given honoring House; numerous British dignitaries attended, including Grey, and – at House’s request – Lord Mersey, the Wreck Commissioner, who would later oversee the inquiry regarding the Lusitania. During this dinner the news arrived of the great ship’s sinking. House announced to the assembled guests that America would enter the war within the month.
The following day, Ambassador Page cabled Wilson: “The freely expressed universal opinion is that the United States must declare war or forfeit European respect. So far as I know this opinion is universal. If the U.S. does come in, the moral and physical effect will be to bring peace quickly and to give the U.S. a great influence in ending the war and in so reorganizing the world as to prevent its recurrence. . . .”11 This remarkable cablegram reveals that the postwar restructuring of the world – which really occurred four years later at the Paris Peace Conference, where Wilson proposed the League of Nations – was envisioned from the outset. In Berlin, without even waiting for instructions, the American embassy began preparing to shut down.
As we will, see however, the Wilson-House-Page clique had overestimated Americans’ willingness to go to war over the Lusitania. But first: How was this false flag engineered? How did British and American officials know, in advance, that a submarine would likely target the ship? And that the attack would result in its being “blown up” and sunk? Why did the 32,000-ton ship vanish beneath the waves in just 18 minutes?
From Luxury Liner to Warship
The Cunard Line built the Lusitania and her sister ship Mauretania with loans from the British government, which also bestowed annual subsidies on Cunard for operational costs. In return for this, the Admiralty required that the ships be designed as auxiliary cruisers, available in wartime.
In February 1913, Winston Churchill informed Cunard chairman Alfred Booth that war with Germany was expected, estimating the outbreak as September 1914.12 (He was only off by a month.) In accordance with instructions, the Lusitania, like other British liners, was refitted to carry guns. There is dispute over whether she actually had cannon, but some testimony exists that she did, concealed on her lowest deck, where passengers were not allowed. The Lusitania was listed as an auxiliary cruiser in Jane’s Fighting Ships, a copy of which U-boat commanders kept on board to identify targets.
More importantly, the British used the Lusitania to ferry heavy loads of munitions from America to Britain. Since the U.S. government disallowed shipment of most munitions on passenger ships, the British got around this by submitting falsified manifests for the Lusitania. Wilson had appointed Dudley Field Malone as collector of customs for the port of New York. Malone rubber-stamped the manifests, knowing full well what was going on.
As submarine warfare increased, the situation became too much for the Lusitania’s captain, David Dow, who informed Cunard he could no longer mix carrying passengers with munitions. As a result, for the final voyage he was replaced by William Turner.
On that fateful crossing, the Lusitania was transporting six million rifle cartridges and more than 50 tons of shrapnel shells. But there were other items that provide possible clues to the mysterious second explosion that sank the ship after a single torpedo hit. One was guncotton, an explosive the British used in their mines (it was called gun“cotton” because in its manufacture, the chemicals were soaked in cotton).
In the U.S. Justice Department’s archives is an affidavit signed by Dr. E. W. Ritter von Rettegh, a chemist employed by Captain Guy Gaunt, the British naval attaché in Washington. Ritter von Rettegh stated that Gaunt called him to his office on April 26, 1915, and asked what the effect would be of sea water coming into contact with guncotton. The chemist explained that there were two types of gun cotton – trinitro cellulose, which sea water would not affect, and pyroxyline, which sea water could cause to suddenly explode, as a result of chemical changes that he explained in technical detail.13
The following day, Gaunt visited the Du Pont munitions plant in Christfield, New Jersey, and Du Pont thereupon shipped tons of pyroxyline, packaged in burlap, to the Cunard wharf in New York City, where it was loaded onto the Lusitania. It quite evidently accounts for the item on the ship’s manifest of 3,813 40-pound containers of “cheese,” which were shipped along with 696 containers of “butter.” That these packages were not butter and cheese is clear: they were not shipped in refrigerated compartments; their destination was listed as the Royal Navy’s Weapons Testing Establishment; and no one filed an insurance claim for the lost “butter and cheese.”14
Above: Captain Turner (left); Guy Gaunt
Placing thousands of burlap containers of guncotton in the Lusitania’s hold would sharply increase the chances that a torpedo would make the ship – as Ambassador Page predicted – “be blown up.” Considering that the ship also carried tons of shrapnel shells and cartridges, the potential for devastation became even worse. One of the Lusitania’s survivors, Joseph Marichal, stated he had distinctly heard cartridges exploding, a sound he was familiar with as a former officer in the French army.
While Captain Gaunt’s interview with Dr. Ritter von Rettegh might have an innocent explanation, it is noteworthy that after submitting his affidavit, the chemist was arrested and charged with making “utterances prejudicial to the peace of the Nation.” He was tried in camera and sentenced to prison. Gaunt, on the other hand, was promoted to rear-admiral and knighted.
Other mysterious items appeared on the Lusitania’s manifest. One was 323 bales of “furs.” The furs originated from depots employed by Du Pont; the cargo was destined for the British company of B. F. Babcock, which was never involved in importing furs, but did import cotton used in making guncotton.15 Like the butter and cheese, no one ever filed an insurance claim on the “furs.”
Patrick O’Sullivan, in The Lusitania: Unravelling the Mysteries, advanced a theory that the explosion was touched off by aluminum powder, a highly combustible explosive; 46 tons were aboard, destined for the Woolrich Arsenal. Also stored with the cargo were 18 cases of percussion fuses consisting of mercury fulminate, which a torpedo could also have caused to explode.
Regardless of which item ignited first, the massive detonation which sank the ship did originate in the forward area holding her munitions.
The Germans had little choice but to try to stop the Lusitania’s munitions from reaching England. But neither did they wish to provoke America by harming its citizens. On April 22, they ordered a conspicuous warning placed in fifty newspapers near the Cunard sailing notices, alerting potential passengers to the danger. This would have given the public a week’s notice. However, a State Department officer ordered the warning’s publication suppressed. On April 26, George Viereck, representing the Germans, obtained an audience with Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan. Bryan immediately cleared the notice for publication, and also urged President Wilson to warn Americans. Wilson, however, always on the bankers’ puppet strings, declined to do so.
Setting the Trap
There was no guarantee, of course, that this false flag would occur, since it depended on a U-boat commander’s unpredictable actions. There were, however, probabilities. The British had broken Germany’s naval codes. While they could not pinpoint a sub’s exact location, intercepted radio signals provided abundant information about U-boats’ activities, destinations and general areas of operation. They were also well aware of the U-20’s presence in the Irish Sea that May, from reports of the sub sinking vessels.
On May 5 – two days before the tragedy – Winston Churchill met with Admiral Fisher (First Sea Lord), Admiral Oliver (Chief of Naval Staff), and Commander Joseph Kenworthy (Naval Intelligence), in the Admiralty’s map room. Here a great grid showed locations of British ships and hostile ships, marked with pins. The map showed the Lusitania and U-20 on a collision course. What was said is unrecorded, but Kenworthy wrote in his postwar book The Freedom of the Seas: “The Lusitania was deliberately sent at considerably reduced speed into an area where a U-boat was known to be waiting and with her escorts withdrawn.” However, the publisher deleted the word “deliberately” at the Admiralty’s insistence.16
Above: Churchill with Admiral Fisher; Kenworthy
The Admiralty could have safeguarded the Lusitania by rerouting her around the north of Ireland, where it knew no U-boats were operating. Especially damning was the failure to provide escorts. On previous voyages, destroyers had accompanied the Lusitania where submarines threats existed. On May 7, however, no destroyers were designated to protect her, even though four were lying idle in the nearby port of Milford Haven,17 and despite the U-20’s known presence in the south Irish Sea, where it had sunk two steamers the previous day. The only warship assigned to meet the Lusitania was an aging cruiser, the Juno. However, even the Juno was ordered back to the port of Queenstown on Ireland’s southern coast – on the justification that she was vulnerable to submarine attack!
Yet the Lusitania received no instructions to divert to Queenstown. On the evening of the 6th, Captain Turner assured his increasingly nervous passengers that, on entering the war zone the next day, they would be securely in the Royal Navy’s care. But when dawn broke, the Royal Navy was nowhere in sight. Turner was alone in the Irish Sea with a U-boat on the prowl. It is a matter of record that there were wireless communications with the Lusitania, but these messages’ transcripts have always been missing from the Admiralty’s files. Some suspect Turner requested permission to reroute the ship and was refused. Vice-Admiral Henry Coke, commanding defenses in this sector from his Queenstown headquarters, requested permission from the Admiralty to divert the Lusitania. He received no decision.
Left: the U-20
Patrick Beesly was considered the leading authority on the history of British Naval Intelligence, in which he was long an officer. In his book Room 40, Beesly wrote:
Nothing, absolutely nothing was done to ensure the liner’s safe arrival . . . . I am reluctantly driven to the conclusion that there was a conspiracy deliberately to put the Lusitania at risk in the hopes that even an abortive attack on her would bring the United States into the war. Such a conspiracy could not have been put into effect without Winston Churchill’s express permission and approval.18
As soon as Vice-Admiral Coke received the report of the Lusitania’s SOS, he ordered the Juno to its rescue. The cruiser was in sight of the survivors in the water when it was recalled to Queenstown on the Admiralty’s orders – the pretext being that it, too, might be sunk by the submarine (which was now gone). Although this concern was legitimate, it undoubtedly cost considerable loss of life, for it was much longer after the Juno’s recall that other rescue craft – fishing smacks and patrol boats – began arriving.
Hundreds of bodies washed up on the Irish shore or were recovered by vessels. Another instruction the Admiralty sent Coke was “to ensure that bodies selected for the inquest had not been killed or mutilated by means which we do not wish to be made public.”19 What “means” could this have referred to, other than mutilation from the ship’s munitions?
Orders were also given to try to halt the inquest held by the local coroner, John Horgan, for fear that the Irish – whose rapport with England was tenuous – might render an unfavorable verdict. (This fear proved unfounded.)
In Britain, a formal inquiry into the sinking was to be held before Lord Mersey, who had also overseen the Titanic inquiry. However, well before it got underway, the Admiralty resolved to scapegoat the ship’s captain, William Turner:
• Within a week of the sinking, Richard Webb, director of the Admiralty’s Trade Division, issued a report which said of Turner that “one is forced to conclude that he is either utterly incompetent, or that he had been got at by the Germans.”20
• Admiral Lord Fisher concurred, saying that Turner “is not a fool but a knave. I feel absolutely certain that Captain Turner of the Lusitania is a scoundrel and been bribed. . . . I hope that Captain Turner will be arrested immediately after the Inquiry, whatever the verdict or finding may be.”21 And, he added, in his notations on Webb’s report: “Ought not Lord Mersey to get a hint?”22
• Churchill responded that “we shall pursue the Captain without check.”23
• Webb then wrote Lord Mersey: “I am directed by the Board of Admiralty to inform you that it is considered politically expedient that Captain Turner the master of the Lusitania be most prominently blamed for the disaster.”24
Thus, in violation of the traditions of justice, Lord Mersey was asked to render a verdict before the inquiry even began. The request came from the men responsible for denying the Lusitania protection.
Comparison to Pearl Harbor is apt. In that event, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and select officials had complete foreknowledge of the attack, which they denied to the commanders in Hawaii, Admiral Kimmel and General Short. Roosevelt then appointed an investigative body, the Roberts Commission, which laid all blame on Kimmel and Short. Roosevelt thus followed the example set 26 years earlier by his distant cousin Churchill. It bears mentioning that when the Lusitania sank, Franklin D. Roosevelt was Assistant Secretary of the Navy, the same position held by another of his cousins, Theodore Roosevelt, when the USS Maine exploded in 1898, triggering the Spanish-American War.
At the inquiry, held partly in camera, Lord Mersey (left) quashed all evidence of the Lusitania’s munitions. Captain Turner was never even asked what his cargo was. Mersey relied on a letter from Dudley Field Malone saying items on the ship’s manifest “were permitted to be shipped on passenger steamers under the laws of the United States.” Malone’s letter was unsworn (he declined to make a statement under oath) and referred only to the first one-page manifest, not its 24-page supplement.
Mersey’s report concluded that “the loss of the ship and lives was due to damage caused to the said ship by torpedoes fired by a submarine of German nationality whereby the ship sank.” However, Mersey was unwilling to crucify Captain Turner. There seem to have been two factors in this: (1) no substantive evidence was produced in court incriminating Turner, an able and veteran seaman; and (2) by the time of the verdict, Churchill had been dismissed from the Admiralty due to the disastrous Dardanelles (Gallipoli) campaign, so there was no longer any need to placate him.
Following the hearing, Mersey waived his fee for his work on it, asked to be excused from further justice duties, and told his children: “The Lusitania case was a damned dirty business.”25
In the United States, a separate hearing on the Lusitania was held much later under Judge Julius Mayer. The nature of the ship’s cargo had become increasingly known. Senator Robert La Follette publicly stated:
Four days before the Lusitania sailed, President Wilson was warned in person by Secretary of State Bryan that the Lusitania had 6,000,000 rounds of ammunition on board, besides explosives; and that passengers who proposed to sail on that vessel were sailing in violation of a statute of this country, that no passengers shall travel upon a railroad train or sail upon a vessel that carries dangerous explosives.26
American families who had lost loved ones sued the Cunard Line for allowing passengers to sail with contraband munitions. Dudley Field Malone was named as codefendant and, if convicted, could have been indicted for involuntary manslaughter. However, no evidence concerning the illicit cargo was heard at the hearing. Judge Mayer, relying in part on Mersey’s findings, ruled in favor of Cunard and against the claimants.
The Mayer hearing was missing a critical piece of evidence: the Lusitania’s original manifest. President Wilson personally sealed it in an envelope, marked it “Only to be opened by the President of the United States,” and had it hidden in the archives of the Treasury Department (which oversees the customs service). We know this because President Franklin D. Roosevelt later had it retrieved, and it turned up among his papers. (To see it, click here.)
The False Flag Falters
Although Colonel House and Ambassador Page had seemed confident the U.S. would declare war over the Lusitania, the American people didn’t share their zeal. They were upset by the sinking, but not enough to send their sons to European battlefields.
The case for war was baseless:
• That the British were the first to violate the “Cruiser Rules” was not lost on everyone, especially German-Americans;
• The effort to conceal the truth about the Lusitania’s munitions was only partially successful; many recognized that the British were using women and children to protect arms shipments – as State Department solicitor Cone Johnson put it, mixing “babies and bullets.”
• Americans wishing to travel to England safely could easily do so by using U.S. ships or those of other neutral countries. Americans boarding British ships traveled at their own risk; they could no more claim immunity from German attack than an American who chose to ride on a British gun carriage on a battleground in France.
With the nation’s mood insufficient for war, Wilson and House began what would be a long series of diplomatic jousts calculated to provoke Germany into rupturing relations. After the Lusitania, Wilson demanded that Germany halt submarine warfare. The Germans replied that the Lusitania was an auxiliary cruiser carrying contraband munitions, and that Britain’s Admiralty had ordered all merchantmen to fire upon or ram surfaced submarines (they provided Wilson with copies of the British orders, which a U-boat crew had found on a captured vessel). Wilson’s reply denied the charges, asserting the United States had “enforced its statues with scrupulous vigilance through its regularly constituted officials and it is able therefore to assure the Imperial German Government that it has been misinformed.”
Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan refused to sign this reply. He had long striven with the President over the latter’s double-standard policy: tolerating England’s naval blockade of Germany and violations of “Cruiser Rules,” while excoriating Germany for reciprocation. Now Bryan was being asked to sign a note that was glaringly false – for Dudley Field Malone had already told Wilson that “practically all of her [the Lusitania’s] cargo was contraband of some kind.”27 Bryan chose to resign, for which the press excoriated him; the New York World accused him of “unspeakable treachery.”
Left to right: Bryan; cartoon depicts Kaiser applauding Bryan; Dudley Field Malone. Interestingly, Malone would oppose Bryan again as an attorney assisting Clarence Darrow in the 1925 Scopes Trial; and in 1944 he portrayed Winston Churchill in Mission to Moscow, perhaps the most flagrantly pro-Communist movie Hollywood ever made. It would probably be reasonable to say Malone was “connected.”
Bryan’s resignation was gold to the Illuminati, for he possessed something they couldn’t stomach: integrity. He’d been made Secretary of State in return for helping secure Wilson’s nomination at the 1912 Democratic Convention. In his place was appointed Robert Lansing, a pro-war State Department legal adviser who’d already proven useful in circumnavigating Bryan. Lansing’s nephews, Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles, would become two of the most powerful insiders of twentieth century politics.
Newspapers and books began stirring hysteria about the imminence of a German invasion. The film The Battle Cry of Peace depicted a Hun-like army devastating New York City and Washington. A well-financed national “preparedness” movement was birthed; J. P. Morgan’s daughter served as treasurer for the women’s section of the “Movement for National Preparedness.”
Above: foreign invaders assault the virtuous maidens of New York City in The Battle Cry of Peace (1915)
Wilson meanwhile awaited another pretext for war, but the Germans were careful not to give him one, having no desire to see American troops swelling Allied ranks. They ordered U-boat captains not to torpedo another passenger ship without warning. However, sooner or later, a mistake was bound to occur. On March 24, 1916 in the English Channel, a U-boat commander, looking through his periscope, mistook an odd-looking ship for a minelayer, and fired a torpedo. The ship turned out to be a French passenger steamer, the Sussex. The damaged ship was towed to port; there were Americans on board; none were killed, but four were injured.
Wilson and his controllers hoped they now had their pretext for war. The President sent a hostile ultimatum to the Germans, demanding they halt “present methods” of submarine warfare (go back to “Cruiser Rules”) or face a rupture in relations. The Germans wisely responded that they would comply, provided the United States require Britain to likewise observe international law.
Once again, Germany had parried war – and Wilson now had to focus on reelection.
The 1916 Elections
Despite the anti-Germany media campaign, Americans remained overwhelmingly opposed to entering the European war. Wilson’s belligerence had not been lost on many, and as a result, the Republican nominee – Charles Evan Hughes – held a large lead in polls.
The American Establishment was very satisfied with the services the obedient Wilson had provided, and preferred him to the untried Hughes (similar to the Obama-Romney paradigm of 2012). Hughes’s public relations director Myron Fagan later became a pioneering exposer of the CFR and Illuminati.